Sunday, April 30, 2023

BOOK: Giovanni Pontano, "Eclogues. Garden of the Hesperides"

Giovanni Gioviano Pontano: Eclogues. Garden of the Hesperides. Edited and translated by Luke Roman. The I Tatti Renaissance Library, Vol. 94. Harvard University Press, 2022. 9780674274099. xxx + 285 pp.

The I Tatti Renaissance Library is hobbling along at a snail's pace compared to its best years (when they sometimes published as many as six volumes per year), but it *is* still hobbling along after all. Pontano feels almost like an old acquaintance now — this is the seventh volume by him in the series. Two of these were of his poetry (Baiae and On Married Love), so I had a pretty good idea of what to expect: poems that, while enjoyable enough in their way (and written by someone who clearly *really* enjoyed spending time at his villa in the countryside), are definitely not going to be exciting at any point, and that are going to be full of too many classical allusions for me to really appreciate them. And this is just what we got in the present volume, so I was not in the least disappointed. There are six eclogues of varying lengths, followed by a didactic poem about citrus trees which covers the last 40 % or so of the volume.

Lepidina

This is the longest of the eclogues in this book. A married couple of shepherds, Macron and Lepidina, are observing an interminable procession of nymphs and other similar creatures going to attend the wedding of the siren Parthenope (a personification of Naples, named after the earliest Greek settlement on its location) and the demigod Sebeto (a personification of a river that used to flow through Naples, but was, “by Pontano's time, more myth than reality”; p. 233). The poem ends with hopes of an auspicious marriage and allusions to the future history of Naples.

The nymphs and other deities in the procession are themselves personifications of various geographical features from Naples and its surroundings, including e.g. one named after Pontano's villa in the countryside. Thus, whatever is said about their activities or relations is invariably a thinly-veiled reference to some geographical fact, and fortunately the translator's notes clear up these references or I would stand no chance of understanding anything whatsoever. Indeed some of the references seem so local to Pontano and his life that it's hard to see how anyone could figure them out at all, were it not for the lucky fact that his Eclogues were first edited for publication, shortly after his death, by a close friend of his, Pietro Summonte, who was presumably able to rely on his personal familiarity with the author when writing explanatory notes to the poems. The translator's notes in the present volume often cite Summonte's 1512 edition as his source.

I can't say that I particularly enjoyed reading this poem, but it was nice to see that Pontano was clearly so very fond of the area where he lived.

Meliseus

A shorter and much more enjoyable eclogue, in which the shepherd Meliseus grieves the recent death of his wife Ariadne. It seems to him that the whole natural world of the countryside grieves with him, and even a local nymph eulogizes the deceased woman in a long mourning-song. Towards the end of the poem it seems that Meliseus is slowly getting better, or at least managing to distract himself with work. The poem was inspired by the death of Pontano's own wife (whose real name was Adriana) in 1490.

Maeon

A short eclogue about an unusual combination of topics. The characters are two shepherds who remember their late friend Maeon and contemplate how eventually the man's tomb and his memory will both be forgotten. (These characters stand for Pontano and two of his friends from his academy.) But then their talk turns to the various pleasures of life, mostly in a quite wholesome way (partly about the beauties of the natural environment, partly about the happiness of being together with someone you love), but eventually they end with some praise of the implausible, perverse virility of their farm animals: “Here is the shaggy ram [. . .] in whose broad groin triple testicles swell — this same ram is the husband of all the flock and father of all the flock. He is acknowledged as father of the female who will soon receive him as husband.” (P. 101.) You've got to love animal husbandry :)))

Acon

Another short and rather meandering eclogue. It starts with a bizarre tale of metamorphosis such as the ancient Greeks liked to tell to explain the origin of various plants or animals. In Pontano's version, jealous nymphs kill a girl with their eyes, but a friendly deity restores her to life — as a turnip. . . :)) The Greek gods could be famously unhelpful in these matters, but this struck me as uncommonly idiotic even by their standards.

In the rest of the poem, one gets the impression that Pontano simply liked to daydream about living an idealized rural life with his wife; I imagine that his actual career as a high official working for the king of Naples must have been a bit more stressful than that. In the present poem he is particularly keen on vegetables, and even gives some recipes for combinations that he likes (ll. 24–5, 195–9).

Coryle

This short poem contains two mythological stories, both it seems more or less entirely invented by Pontano and again involving some personifications of nearby geographical locations. In one story, the nymph Coryle is transformed by a envious witch into a hazel-tree, but this is told too briefly and is barely a story at all. The other story is a bit more playful; a group of women find Amor asleep and tie him up, blindfold him, and throw his bow and arrows away in revenge for all the trouble that he has been causing by making people fall in love. Later the nymph Ariadne finds him, liberates him, and he promptly makes her fall in love as well. Both stories have a connection to the love between Pontano and his wife (not that I would have any chance of noticing this if it wasn't for the translator's notes).

Quinquennius

This is hardly a pastoral poem at all. It consists of a conversation between Quinquennius, who as the name suggests is a five-year-old boy, and his mother. He is afraid of thunder, but she tells him it's just gods roasting chestnuts; then she tells him about Orcus, “a malevolent spirit, who cruelly attacks little boys” if they are naughty, and about an unnamed benevolent god who rewards them with treats if they are good. She is trying to use this carrot-and-stick approach to get the boy to stop wetting his bed at night. I don't know when I last cringed this hard while reading a poem :S But I suppose we shouldn't be surprised, as we already knew Pontano as a keen family man and a doting father and husband from some of his other poems earlier in the ITRL series.

Garden of the Hesperides

Here's something that poets would be unlikely to write nowadays: a didactic poem about the cultivation of oranges, in two books of about 600 lines each. (Actually, while Book I is all about oranges, Book II discusses citrons and lemons as well.) Frankly, I myself also find it hard to see why people thought it a good idea to write such poems, but didactic poems were definitely a thing in ancient times and then humanists like Pontano also liked to follow their example (besides the Garden of the Hesperides, he also wrote didactic poems about astronomy and “celestial phenomena”, p. xix). My idea of poetry is that I want to read something by the likes of, say, Byron or Shelley that will make me feel intense emotions. You certainly won't get *that* from a poem on the cultivation of oranges, which is a subject that is not of the slightest interest to me. But perhaps people like Pontano would say that poetry is simply a medium, and that any subject can be treated in it, and I can't really dispute that.

In any case, Pontano was clearly very interested in the subject of this poem, and presumably had a good deal of first-hand experience with growing oranges around his villas; he writes even about technicalities such as where to plant them, when to water them, how to fertilize them, how to graft them etc. etc. with such an enthusiasm that you can't help being impressed, and at least slightly charmed. But he also likes to switch suddenly from these technical matters to mythological ones, inventing just-so stories involving citruses and creatures from classical mythology (after Adonis was killed by a wild boar, Venus brought him back to life as an orange tree, p. 149; the nymph Alcyone seduced Neptune by offering him a bough with oranges, p. 199; etc.); he reminisces about time spent gardening with his now-dead wife (p. 167); he sucks up to Francesco Gonzaga (p. 221), the ruler of Mantua, to whom he also dedicated the poem; and he peppers his verse with classical and geographical allusions in greater abundance than I would have liked (it is all explained in the translator's notes at the end, of course, but having to read so many notes interferes with the reading of the poem). So there's a good bit of variety here, and I can't say that this poem was an unpleasant read at all, even if perhaps it was not the most exciting one.

Incidentally, the title alludes to the fact that in ancient mythology, the garden of the Hesperides, famous for its ‘golden apples’, was believed to have been located in Africa; and since citrus fruits have a golden colour and were also believed to have came to Europe from north Africa, it wasn't hard for Pontano to link them with the mythical garden (p. 252, n. 8). (But according to the wikipedia, citruses actually originated in southeast Asia.)

Some of his advice about fertilizing the trees is a bit. . . odd: “Indeed, you should take the greatest care to heap on the plant [. . .] dirty old sandals, bits of refuse, and filth derived from mucky streams to drip slow moisture into the deepest roots, once you have led in rain and river water. / The burial of dogs' bodies, squalid with decay, will be especially effective at providing you with heavy fruit and glistening youthfulness” (1.292–303; p. 165).

I liked this passage which likens the grafting of trees to social activities: “The lemon tree receives the orange, the citron the lemon, in hospitality, and they join dinner parties with shared tables. The citron accepts the hand of the orange tree in marriage, and together they exercise their marital rights, and both types of tree lie down in shared beds.” (2.318–21; p. 207.) This sounds very charming and proper, but then a few generations later you end up with monstrous abnormalities :)

Odd: “[t]he town of Amalfi was credited with the invention of the compass, although it had already been in use in China for centuries.” (P. 259, n. 19.)

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BOOK: Pico della Mirandola, "Oration"

Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola: Life of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. Giovanni Pico della Mirandola: Oration. Edited and translated by Brian P. Copenhaver. The I Tatti Renaissance Library, Vol. 93. Harvard University Press, 2022. 9780674023420. lxxxvii + 330 pp.

Well, this was certainly a wild ride. To be honest, I had been just barely aware of the two Picos before reading this book, so on the one hand I did learn a few new things from it; but on the other hand it was one of the more incomprehensible volumes in the ITRL series so far, and that's a contest with no small an amount of competition. Giovanni Pico was the famous philosopher whom I, like I suppose everyone else, vaguely knew as the author of the Oration on Human Dignity, which forms the second half or so of the present volume; Gianfrancesco Pico, as it turns out, was Giovanni's nephew and biographer whose Life of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola forms the first half the book. (Interestingly, Gianfrancesco was only six years younger than his uncle, being the son of one of Giovanni's much older brothers.)

The translator's introduction

The book starts with an introduction by the translator, Brian Copenhaver, which is longer than usually in the ITRL series. I found some parts of it extremely interesting, and indeed surprising: it turns out that Giovanni Pico's oration was not originally called the Oration on Human Dignity at all; that he barely mentions the word dignitas in it; that the oration was explicitly linked with it only in 1504, well after his death, by an editor of a new edition of his works (p. xxxvi); and that in any case the meaning of this Latin word, either in ancient times or in the renaissance, didn't really correspond to our modern-day idea of human dignity, which only emerged in the 18th century. (This last fact was not entirely new to me, since we already encountered it in the ITRL series before, in the volume containing Mannetti's On Human Worth and Excellence; see my post about it. As it turns out, that volume was also translated by Brian Copenhaver, just like the present one.)

And apparently the idea that Pico's Oration has anything to do with human dignity (in our modern sense) only goes back to the 19th century: “Burckhardt linked the prince with dignity again in unforgettable prose, eventually inspiring philosophers — Ernst Cassirer, Eugenio Garin, Giovanni Gentile, and Paul Kristeller — to embroider the connection. [. . .] our Pico was created by Cassirer, Garin, Gentile, and Kristeller, and Gianfrancesco's Pico was not that personage. His Life of his uncle barely mentions the Oration and pays no attention at all to the idea of dignity.” (P. xviii.) “Until after World War I, few detected any praise of human dignity in them [i.e. Pico's writings]” (p. vii); but “[i]n the second half of the twentieth century, textbooks written for college students in North America enlarged his fame and amplified it into stardom” (p. vii) — he was made into something of a saint of secular humanism.

So if Pico's Oration was not really about human dignity, what *was* it about? That's what much of the rest of the introduction tries to answer, which, again, was interesting but often a bit too technical for me to follow. Giovanni Pico immersed himself in all sorts of esoteric philosophical and religious traditions, especially the Kabbalah, and tried to use them to demonstrate that various philosophical schools are actually in agreement with each other, that Christianity rather than Judaism is the true religion, and so on. To say that this programme was incredibly ambitious is an understatement ((“I have chosen to put forward a new philosophy”, p. 123); in any case, he drew up a list of 900 theses about it and wrote the Oration as an introduction.

Copenhaver's introduction goes into a good deal of detail about the structure of the Oration (see the useful table on p. xlv), but it loses me completely when it discusses the Kabbalah and what Pico was trying to do with it. It is enormously impressive that some people manage to make any sense of these topics, and it's clear that Copenhaver has read no less wide and deep in these matters than Pico himself. The bibliography at the end of the book reminds you a little of the sort of things you find in Lovecraft's stories — “Mediaeval Jews and Arabs were represented in profusion”, etc. — and if you found the Necronomicon listed somewhere amongst them, it wouldn't feel out of place at all :) I'm not really the right target audience for this stuff, but I hope that whoever exactly is the target audience will find this book and duly appreciate the tremendous effort that the translator has clearly put into it.

Gianfrancesco's Life of Giovanni Pico

Gianfrancesco's biography made for an interesting read, especially since pretty much everything in it was new to me. One downside of it is that it is almost more of a hagiography than a biography, and that's by design; Gianfrancesco says quite openly that he followed such examples as lives of saints, or Porphyry's life of Plotinus (p. 3). As a result, what would have been a remarkable life of a man of impressive and precocious accomplishments even if presented soberly, now glows with a splendour that feels somewhat superhuman and unreal.

But even taking the biographer's biases into account, you can't help but be impressed by Giovanni Pico, who dug deep in all the most abstruse schools of ancient and medieval philosophy and amassed an incredible amount of learning. Regular old Christian theology and Neoplatonism might have been enough for a less fearsomely learned man, but for Pico that was just the beginning; Orphic Hymns and Chaldean Oracles, Arabic Peripatetics and Jewish Cabalists, no form of mysticism was too much for him; the crazier the mumbo jumbo, the better he liked it.

What I found the most amazing was how young he was when he accomplished all this. I always imagine a philosopher, especially a Neoplatonic one, as an old man with a flowing white beard; but Pico was only twenty-three years old when he wrote his best-known works. He published a list of what is usually called the 900 Theses (though the translator of the present volume always calls them Conclusions, which seems to be closer to their Latin title), and offered to defend them in a public disputation in Rome (he even offered to pay the travel expenses of any scholar who might wish to come from other parts of Italy to challenge him in the debate).

His theses touched on nearly every school of philosophy, on the work of every significant medieval theologian, and on seemingly every variety of esotericism and mysticism that he could lay his hands on. He proposed to demonstrate that Plato's and Aristotle's philosophies don't really disagree in any significant way, and that those who think they do disagree have simply misunderstood them (p. 153); that the principles of the (Jewish) Kabbalah prove the truth of Christian (and in fact specifically Catholic) beliefs about the Trinity (pp. 135, 162); he had things to say about the technicalities of the Eucharist (p. 144) that I am in no way equipped to understand, but I've read enough to not be in the least surprised that he got into trouble for them :)

He wrote his Oration as a sort of introduction to the 900 theses; it is addressed to the pope and cardinals, and tries to explain why he's doing this and why his proposed debate is a good idea. However, some of his theses or conclusions proved too controversial; he wrote an Apology to clarify his views, but even so, the debate never took place (p. 19). Over the next few years he wrote various short works on theology and philosophy, and started working on an ambitious “book in seven parts [. . .] against enemies of the Church” (p. 37), of which he however only finished one part, against astrologers. He died suddenly of a fever, aged only 31 (p. 61), and much of his work was only published posthumously, edited by his nephew and biographer.

All this, in sort, made for an impressive story and a good read, even though it also had the unfortunate effect of making me feel even more like a worthless, underachieving loser than I usually do. He had learnt, and thought, and achieved infinitely more by twenty-three than I ever will, no matter how long I live.

Giovanni Pico's Oration

And yet, all that being said, the actual contents of Pico's work were completely and utterly incomprehensible to me; they might just as well have been written in Chinese for all the sense that I could make of them. This applies especially to his theses, a selection of which is included in the present volume as an appendix (but the translator promises to bring out the whole thing in a future* volume of the ITRL series, p. 199).

[*Incidentally, he has been at work on these things for an impressively long time. In the early days of the I Tatti Renaissance Library, its website had a list of ‘Forthcoming Volumes’, and as early as November 2001 that list included a Philosophical Writings by Giovanni Pico, edited by Brian P. Copenhaver. By February 2004 that title changed to Oration, 900 Theses (hah! so he didn't call them “conclusions” yet :)), and by July 2005 it was joined by three other volumes: Apology; The Witch. On Imagination; and Letters; the last two of these to be edited by people other than Copenhaver. None of these volumes have actually appeared in the ITRL series so far. I'm guessing there's a moderately good chance we'll get the 900 Theses in a few years, but the others have probably been abandoned.]

But the Oration, too, has long sections that were quite baffling to me. Still, that doesn't mean that it was a bad read. Pico writes in a lively, enthusiastic style, and you can't help feeling that he genuinely believed that he was on the way to something big; that with efforts like his, man can resolve the disputes between the various philosophical schools, penetrate into the deepest theological mysteries, and pretty much become one with god. How could I not admire such boldness, such ambition, even if the details are incomprehensible to me; how could I not envy his zeal and his overflowing energy! Sure, you might say that his ambitions were absurdly large; that it is all just youthful headstrongness and impetuousity — recklessness and brashness even; maybe, and yet even so — how fine and grand all that seems in comparison to my sober middle-aged awareness that I'm never going to accomplish anything worthwhile...

One thing that bothered me a little about Pico's Oration is that his writing style seems calculated more to show off his learning than to be clear and accessible to the reader. He has a habit of using a word or phrase from the work of some earlier author as a way of alluding to it, without saying explicitly that this is what he is doing or which author or book he has in mind. In principle this can be very pleasant if the writer and the reader have a sufficient amount of shared background knowledge; much like nowadays one could use the phrase ‘to be or not to be’ in a piece of writing and expect the reader to know where it is from. But Pico's allusions are much too obscure for that; not only to classical Greek and Roman authors and to biblical passages, but often enough to still more recondite sources such as the cabbalistic books he had studied with such avidity. The translator tries to help us by explaining the technique in his introduction (pp. lxii–lxiv) and by putting such words or phrases in italics and including the list of sources for each paragraph in the notes at the end of the book; this is impressive and must have taken an enormous amount of effort, but even so, someone like me can't really get anything out of Pico's allusions since I mostly didn't know anything much about the works where he got them or the context in which they originally appeared. I may at least take consolation in the fact that apparently many of Pico's allusions would have gone over the heads of even his original audience of Roman cardinals, or indeed of anyone short of a full-blown cabalist (pp. xlii, lxiv). Pico simply “disliked clarity” and “kept his oratory unclear” (translator's note 4, p. 254); see also p. 131 on his belief in the importance of using obscurity to keep the most important knowledge secret from the masses.

Another bizarre example of how Pico parades his learning is the inclusion of a few words and phrases in Hebrew and even in what he considered to be “Chaldean”, which apparently turns out to be Aramaic or Syriac but written in the Ethiopic script... Unsurprisingly, early printed editions of Pico's works simply have blank spaces there, since the printers didn't have types for those scripts. In the present volume those gaps were filled based on a partial manuscript of Pico's Oration (pp. xxxiv–v). Frankly, it's an asshole move on Pico's part. He knew perfectly well that nobody could read those scripts, even if they could have been printed; and there was nothing about those few Hebrew or Chaldean words that he could not have explained in Latin, if he had had the slightest interest in being understood instead of just showing off. Nowadays we have thesis advisors and peer reviewers to keep such things in check, but alas, Pico was self-published :))

In the early part of his Oration, Pico has some beautiful and inspiring passages about man's place in the order of things: “when his work was done, the Artificer wanted someone to assess the reason for so great an undertaking, to love its beauty, to be astonished by its immensity” (p. 83),* and therefore created man and told him: “No fixed seat, no special look, nor any particular gift of your own have we given you, Adam, so that what seat, what look, what gifts you choose for yourself, these you may have and hold as you wish, according to your purpose.” (Ibid.) “This is man's supreme and astonishing good fortune, to whom it is given to have what he chooses, to be what he wants. [. . .] If the seeds he tends are vegetal, the man will be a plant. If they are sensual, he will grow into a beast. If they are rational, he will turn into a heavenly animal. If they are intellectual, he will be an angel and a son of God. And if he is not contented with the lot of creatures and draws himself into the center of his own unity, becoming a spirit and one with God, this one who has been set above everything will stand ahead of them all and absolutely apart in the Father's darkness.” (P. 85.) And on p. 89 Pico has more to say on how man can rival angels: “let us be their rivals for rank and glory. Once we will it, in nothing shall we be their inferiors.” With passages like these, it's not too hard to see how the idea that this was an oration about human dignity was able to take hold.** They are not too unlike the sort of things we saw in Mannetti's On Human Worth and Excellence. But admittedly all this is only in the first few pages of Pico's oration; later he moves on to other topics.

[* “Man was created to admire the Creator in the creation, according to Lactantius” (translator's note 4 on p. 253). So now we know where that line on Jägermeister labels comes from.]

[**But maybe I am misinterpreting everything. The translator says, in his introduction, that by wanting people to merge into god, Pico would “eliminate anything distinctly individual and human. [. . .] Seeing no absolute value in human individuals, why would Pico worry about their dignity — as we worry now? Our dignity was never his concern.” (P. xlix.)]

The translator's notes to the Oration are about as extensive as the Oration itself; far be it for me to complain about overabundant notes (better overabundant than not abundant enough), but this did pose something of a problem while reading. I spent so much time reading the notes that I kept losing track of what was going on in the Oration, and in the end I found that I didn't really understand much more after reading the notes than before. This is not, of course, a complaint against the notes; to make a work like this intelligible to a reader like me would require far more explanations that can be reasonably expected to fit in the notes. But I would probably have done better if I had just read the whole Oration first, leaving the notes until the end.

Miscellenaous

I vaguely remember hearing Giovanni Pico described as ‘the Count of Concordia’, and wondering if this was some sort of nickname alluding to his efforts to prove that different philosophical schools don't actually disagree; but it turns out that there really is a territory of that name. :))

From Gianfrancesco's biography: “I remember his telling me one day that he had spent seven thousand gold coins up to that point to acquire books on all kinds of topics” (p. 47); and in the Oration, Giovanni Pico himself also brags about his collection of cabbalistic books: “I had bought them for myself at no small cost and had read through them with the greatest attention and unremitting labor” (p. 135). This is impressive, and I can of course sympathize with someone who spends too much money on books :), and yet you also can't help wishing that all that mental effort and ability had been spent on something more worthwhile than on a hopeless tangle of esoteric puzzles and overcooked fairy-tales...

After citing a book about human dignity published at “Milan: Silvio Berlusconi, 1994”, the translator adds: “published over Berlusconi's imprint, a misnamed speech about dignity is astonishing — but not in the way that the prince intended” :))

Giovanni Pico's mother, Giulia née Boiardo, was the aunt of Matteo Boiardo (p. 230), who I presume is the famous epic poet.

Gianfrancesco says that the origins of the Pico family “are said [to] go back to the Emperor Constantine through a great-grandson, Picus, from whom the whole family is said to have taken its name” (pp. 9–11). This story would be very charming if it were true, but according to the translator's note, it is from a 14th-century chronicle (p. 229, n. 4).

Giovanni Pico wrote several books of love poems both in Latin and in Italian, but eventually threw them “in the fire for religion's sake” (p. 23).

Interesting: Gianfrancesco's Life of Giovanni Pico was also translated into English by Thomas More (The Life of John Picus, Erle of Myrandula); p. xvii.

Apparently Giovanni Pico, late in life, was in contact with Girolamo Savonarola, the mad preacher who had such an influence in Florence at the time. Savonarola insisted that “I knew that God had called him to religion by speaking inside him” (p. 67), but as Pico never followed up on this by becoming a priest or monk, Savonarola declared in a sermon after Pico's death that Pico would burn in purgatory for this disobedience, though fortunately not for an unlimited time* (p. 69); “a man who was present for the sermon came up to the speaker and told him that the dead man had appeared to him walled in by fire and confessing that he was still paying the price of his ingratitude” (p. 71). :))) To Gianfrancesco's discredit, he took Savonarola and his nonsense quite seriously, but then he was far from the only one to do so at the time.

[*On a semi-related note, one the more controversial among Pico's 900 theses was that “for a mortal sin in limited time the penalty due is not unlimited in time but only limited” (p. 156). Admittedly I'm not sure how any mortal sin could be anything other than limited in time, since the sinner's life is limited...]

Giovanni Pico's claims to espouse an idealistic view of debates: “even the most helpless person should not shirk such a fight [. . .] since what the loser gets from the winner is help, not harm, and after his loss he goes home the richer — knowing more — and is better equipped to fight in the future” (Oration, p. 115). But I suspect that in practice debates rarely work that way.

Giovanni Pico on the Kabbalah: “So scrupulously are these books revered by Jews of our time that they permit no one under the age of forty to touch them” (p. 135).

Giovanni Pico on the Orphic Hymns: “Orpheus, however, wrapped his mysterious doctrines in folds of myth [. . .] concealing them so well under a veil of poetry that anyone who reads his Hymns would think there was nothing beneath them but fables and the purest nonsense.” (P. 137.) I *love* this sentence because, although Pico meant it in earnest, it would work equally well, with exactly the opposite sense, if it came from Voltaire or Gibbon or some other such deeply sarcastic enlightenment-era writer :)))

ToRead:

Brian Copenhaver, the translator of the present volume, published several other very interesting-sounding books about Pico and related subjects:

  • The Book of Magic: From Antiquity to the Enlightenment (2015). An “anthology of the western magical tradition”, with his commentary.
  • Magic in Western Culture from Antiquity to the Enlightenment (2015). “This groundbreaking book treats magic as a classical tradition with foundations that were distinctly philosophical”; Ficino and other Neoplatonists feature prominently in it, but not Pico, whom the author deliberately kept aside for his next book (see below).
  • Magic and the Dignity of Man: Pico della Mirandola and His Oration in Modern Memory (2019). This seems to be a whole book about how Pico came to be seen as a champion of human dignity — the present volume touches on this in the introduction, but a whole book about this should be fascinating.

Another interesting-sounding book is mentioned on p. 305: Anthony Grafton, Commerce with the Classics: Ancient Books and Renaissance Readers (1997).

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Saturday, April 08, 2023

BOOK: Evelyn Waugh, "Rossetti: His Life and Works"

The Complete Works of Evelyn Waugh. Volume 16: Rossetti: His Life and Works. Ed. by Michael G. Brennan. Oxford University Press, 2017. 9780199683574. lxxxii + 284 pp.

Waugh is chiefly remembered as a novelist, but he also wrote a few biographies; the present volume is the first of these that I've read so far, and in fact it is Waugh's first book altogether — it appeared in 1928 (on the centennary of Rossetti's birth), a few months before his first novel, Decline and Fall. It wasn't his first foray into the subject, however, as he had published An Essay on the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood two years earlier (this essay in fact induced a publisher to invite Waugh to write the biography of Rossetti; p. xxxv). [You would think that this essay would make for a nice appendix to the present volume, but unfortunately it hasn't been included in it; instead, it appeared in vol. 26 of the OUP Collected Works of Waugh.]

I was interested to learn, from the editor's introduction, that Waugh “showed considerable promise as a graphic artist” (p. xxvi), and designed some book jackets for Chapman & Hall, the publishing house where his father was a director (p. xxviii); for a time Waugh actually “hoped to avoid a literary career and establish himself as an artist-craftman” (p. xxxi), though that didn't work out. Several of his relatives had also been keen artists, and three cousins of his grandfather had been married to some of the founders of the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, William Holman Hunt and Thomas Woolner (p. xxvii). (On an unrelated note, another curious family connection: Waugh's wife's aunt was the sister-in-law of Gerald Duckworth, the publisher of Waugh's nonfiction books, including Rossetti; p. xxv, n. 1.)

You might say that the Aesthetic Movement consisted of two phases: the earlier one — the Pre-Raphaelites, Rossetti, Morris, Burne-Jones and the like — and the later one, with Wilde and Beardsley and the rest of the Decadents. I am in principle interested in the Aesthetic Movement, but really mostly in its second phase, and so didn't find a book about the life of Rossetti as interesting as I perhaps might have hoped.

Moreover, I had thought of Rossetti almost more of as a poet than as a painter — I bought a copy of the 1911 edition of his poetical works years ago, though I didn't get around to reading it yet; and though I may be poorly equipped to appreciate poetry, I'm still more poorly equipped to appreciate painting (though I do enjoy Rossetti's distinctive style; his women all look the same,* and quite unlike any women I've seen painted anywhere else). And yet, of course, in hindsight, it was foolish of me to think of him that way; he was a painter first and foremost, and this shows in Waugh's biography as well, which spends only a tiny fraction of its time on Rossetti's poetry, while discussing his painting at great length, dedicating at least a paragraph (and sometimes more like a page) to seemingly every painting and sketch he ever made, and sometimes going into far more technical detail than I had any hope of following (clearly Waugh put his early efforts at learning the graphic arts to good use here).

[*Incidentally, this seems to be because they are all based on three or four women who did most of the modelling for him. “They are of two main types [. . .] fair and voluptuous or dark and pensive according to whether Fanny Schott or Janey Morris was uppermost in his thoughts.” :)) (P. 97; see also pp. 141–2.)]

All this, in short, is a long-winded way of saying that I didn't really enjoy this book all that much, but that this is in no way Waugh's fault. He writes well, is often witty, keeps the story moving along at all times, and strikes a good balance: it is true he spends a lot of time appreciating Rossetti's paintings, but he also doesn't neglect his poetry, his personal life or — something I found quite interesting — the business aspects of his art.

Indeed for someone like me, who am still often inclined to imagine artists romantically as people working on the basis of divine inspiration, it was somewhat surprising and almost shocking to see how... workmanlike Rossetti was in his approach to his art. He painted for money, and not small amounts of it either; he often had a buyer lined up, and sometimes a down payment too, before he even started working on a painting; he often made several copies of a painting if he found people willing to buy them (pp. 100, 255–6, 263); and on a few occasions when he couldn't bring himself to finish a painting, he ended up cutting out some useful part of it and finishing that as a smaller painting. The general public didn't necessarily appreciate his work all that much in his lifetime, except towards the end; but he had a circle of friends and patrons who valued him, and he was content to paint for them (pp. 63, 154). In fact Waugh himself seems to have had doubts about the ultimate artistic value of Rossetti's work; he does praise a number of his paintings, but he concludes his biography with a chapter on “What is Wrong with Rossetti?” (p. 167).

His father was originally from the then Kingdom of Naples, from which he was exiled after the failed revolution of 1820–21 (p. 4); he ended up working as a professor of Italian in London (but his career suffered a couple decades later when “Italian was beginning to give place to German in English education”; p. 6). Another interesting relative of Rossetti's was his maternal uncle, Dr. John Polidori (p. 5), famous as the friend of Byron and the author of The Vampyre, a pioneering short story in the vampire genre.

I knew really very little about the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood so far, and was interested to learn that although Rossetti was later sometimes thought of as its main founder (p. 63), the initial impetus came from two other artists, Holman Hunt and Millais (p. 16), while Rossetti was still very much a beginner and something of a disciple of Hunt (p. 18). But Waugh suggests that Rossetti must have had a prominent role in setting up the PRB from the start: “to Rossetti, reared among secret societies, lured to the guilds and apprenticeships of the Middle Ages, some such organization seemed the natural embodiment of an artistic impulse” (pp. 19–20). In 1849 the members exhibited paintings in their new style, with “P.R.B.” after their names (p. 23), and at first even deliberately refrained from explaining this acronym to the public! (until Rossetti gave it away; p. 26). The public was duly shocked by this “conspiracy”, but later began to view the Pre-Raphaelites more favourably once they got the support from Ruskin, then already a very influential critic (pp. 39–41).

“He [i.e. Rossetti] was always ready to praise artistic achievement of the most trifling merit with exaggerated respect; but that and physical beauty in woman were the only things he thought worthy of reverence.” (P. 46.) “‘If any man has poetry in him,’ he used to say, ‘he should paint, for it has all been said and written, and they have scarcely begun to paint it.’ ” (P. 58.) But Waugh suggests that this is because his poems dealt with “all the common emotions ornamentally expressed—no wonder that he should think it had all been done before. But for these very reasons they are poems that have given, and always will give, genuine pleasure” (p. 118).

In his best years he was making more than £3000 per year, but he was careless in spending his money (p. 84). “He collected almost anything that attracted his attention, particularly china, furniture, and animals. [. . .] His china collection was one of the first of its kind in England.” (P. 86. See also pp. 88–91 for an amusing anecdote where Rossetti played a practical joke on a fellow collector by filching a particularly fine china dish from him, but the victim subsequently got his revenge in like fashion.)

From the age of 40 or so, he started suffering from various health problems (p. 111), melancholy and insomnia, for which he resorted to drinking and later to taking chloral (p. 128; he took pride in the large doses he was taking, but his friends conspired behind his back to dilute them :))). Fearing that he was going blind and would no longer be able to paint, he took a renewed interest in his poetry (p. 113); but alas, he had buried the manuscript of his poems together with the body of his wife, Elizabeth Siddal, some seven years before. Fortunately he was able to get official permission to open the grave and retrieve the manuscript (pp. 114–15).

He soon had the poems published as a book (Poems by Dante Gabriel Rossetti, 1870), which his friends made sure to praise in all the magazines (pp. 115–16), but it was also the subject of a vicious attack by a critic named Robert Buchanan (“a common and prudish lowland Scot”, p. 126), who denounced Rossetti, Swinburne and other Pre-Raphaelite poets in an essay titled The Fleshly School of Poetry (1871). Judging by the quotations included here on p. 125, it must have been full of deliciously overblown rhetoric: “these abnormal types of diseased lust and lustful disease” :))

Sadly, this new-found notoriety exacerbated Rossetti's existing mental problems into a full-blown paranoia, and he even made a suicide attempt in 1872 (pp. 132, 134). With the help of his friends, he made something of a recovery and kept on painting for another five years or so; then his health got worse, and he died in 1882, a little less than 54 years old.

*

In my opinion a biographer ought to have enough sympathy for his subject to refrain from finishing his biography with a chapter on ‘what is wrong with him’, but clearly Waugh didn't see it that way. In the last chapter, “What is Wrong with Rossetti?”, he looks at Rossetti from the perspective of “the modern critical attitude” (p. 167), according to which “the ‘real’ artist fundamentally is someone interested in the form underlying the appearance of things. [. . .] Artistic perception begins with an appreciation of the reality of form, and becomes creative as it begins to associate forms with each other in necessary, and therefore agreeable, relationships; [. . .] Approached from this standpoint, Rossetti, with all his ‘temperament’ and ‘inspiration,’ is nothing but a melancholy old fraud. [. . .] The last thing he wished to do was to express the necessary relations of forms.” (P. 168.) To which all I can say is: to hell with the modern critical attitude then! How did they dare — how did critics living in the 1920s or 30s, a time when art was already deeply degenerate, and had been for some decades, dare — how did they have the sheer unmitigated temerity to pass judgement on someone like Rossetti, who had spent his life making beautiful things? Who the hell cares about the “reality of form” and the “necessary relations of forms”, and indeed what, if anything, do these phrases even mean?

“ ‘Pure’ painting, according to reputable standards, should concern itself solely with beauty and not with anecdote, but, more than this, it must be with its own beauty and not with the beauty of the thing represented; [. . .] Such a restriction was essentially foreign to Rossetti's habit of thought. [. . .] he knew no valid distinction between beauty of picture and beauty of subject.” (P. 170.) Again this seems to me to be something that discredits the so-called “reputable standards” rather than Rossetti's painting. The modernists wouldn't know beauty if it bit them on the butt. Or if they did know it, they would drive it away deliberately.

Lastly, Waugh criticizes Rossetti on moral grounds: “To the muddled Victorian mind it seemed vaguely suitable that the artist should be melancholy, morbid, uncontrolled, and generally slightly deranged. [. . .] This mischievous misconception found its fulfilment in the ’nineties when, in London and Paris, at any rate, most of the considerable artistic figures were in fact consumptive or perverted or epileptic” (P. 171.) In Waugh's view, Rossetti was a mild case of this as well: “there was fatally lacking in him that essential rectitude that underlies the serenity of all really great art. [. . .] There is a spiritual inadequacy, a sense of ill-organisation about all he did.” (P. 171.)

I guess I shouldn't be surprised to find that I am on the completely opposite side from Waugh on all this. I will never lose the conviction that a true artist should die of poverty and consumption at an age not much above twenty, and my sympathies will always be with the uncontrolled, the slightly deranged, and the perverted. Living a well-ordered and temperate life, and dying of old age in your seventies or eighties, strikes me as a clear proof of an anything but artistic temperament. And frankly, I have no idea what exactly Waugh means by “essential rectitude” and “spiritual inadequacy”, but they sound like something that is at best orthogonal to artistic ability, and at worst actively contrary to it, and clearly Waugh is just projecting his own conservative values onto Rossetti.

Miscellaneous

The introduction mentions Waugh's “small but fluent handwriting, which posed few problems for his typist” (p. xliv), which surprised me since in earlier volumes in this series we often heard how illegible Waugh's handwriting was. Perhaps it got worse later in his career?

Since Waugh wasn't yet well known at the time this book was first published, some reviewers were unsure about his sex; one referred to him as “Miss Waugh” and another wondered “Mr (or is it Miss?) Waugh” (p. xlviii); “Waugh disliked his androynous name” (p. lxi) and wrote an angry letter pointing out that the reviewer should have looked at the dust jacket of the book, which refers to him as “Mr.” several times (p. lxii). :))

Rossetti's grandfather “was a blacksmith at Vasto, in the Abruzzi (or, as one of Rossetti's biographers prefers, ‘connected with the iron trade of that city’)” :)) (p. 4).

When William Morris went to Oxford: “Like many wise people before and after him, he found the life there pitiably disappointing.” (P. 54.) :]

Waugh on Rossetti's poem The Nuptial Sleep: “It is just the sort of poem, both in sentiment and sibilants, that schoolboys write in abundance, and the editors of school magazines have some doubts about accepting. As an example of Rosseti's art it is well left in obscurity.” (P. 126.) :))

William Morris lived in a rather small and crowded house although he was well-off; which Waugh comments on thus: “Perhaps it was his Welsh blood, prompting him to the native cosiness of caves and hovels.” (P. 138.) Wahahaha :))) The editor suggests that Waugh's “comic slurs against the Welsh” may have been prompted by his time working as a teacher in Wales (p. 192).

Waugh spends a lot of time analyzing the composition of Rossetti's paintings, the poses of the characters on them, etc. You can't help admiring his dedication: “I spent an exceedingly ungraceful half-hour before the looking-glass attempting to get into the same position.” (P. 157.)

While working on this book, Waugh met Hall Caine, a writer who had been a friend of Rossetti in his last years (p. 233).

It appears that Waugh remained interested in Rossetti until the very end of his life: amongst Waugh's books now in the Harry Ransom Center in Texas there is a copy of Rosalie Glynn Grylls' Portrait of Rossetti (1964) “with his MS annotations” (p. 274).

Errors

Fortunately for the OUP, it has no reputation left to lose when it comes to errors and misprints. Here are a few that I've noticed:

  • When an apostrophe appears at the start of a word, it is often printed as ‘ instead of ’ — again someone has been searching and replacing too naively :) Thus we have “ ‘nineties” (p. xxx; but it's “ ’nineties” correctly on p. 171), “ ‘em” (p. 132), “ ‘fifties” (p. 117).
  • “Quin dynasty” (p. 188) should surely be “Qin”.
  • “Alexander Dumas” (p. 190) should surely be “Alexandre”.
  • A closing ’ is missing after “inpugned” (p. 204; note that the word itself is not an error here, it just reports a misprint in the first edition of the biography).
  • A closing ) is missing after “ ‘The Kraken’ ” (p. 242).
  • “Prosperine” (p. 263) is obviously Proserpine's richer if less famous cousin :]
  • Dōppelgānger” (p. 62) is an impressively bizarre misprint of “Doppelgänger” — firstly because they used macrons instead of umlauts, and secondly because the o isn't supposed to have an umlaut either...
  • “speciman” (p. 88), in a long quote from a book (the original spells it correctly).

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BOOK: Florence Farr, "The Dancing Faun"

Florence Farr: The Dancing Faun. London: Elkin Mathews and John Lane, 1894. vi + 149 pp.

I first heard of this short novel because it was mentioned in passing in Nina Antonia's The Greenwood Faun, which I read recently (see my post about it). Nor had I heard of the author, Florence Farr, before, but judging by her biography on the wikipedia she must have been quite an interesting person; an actress and activist very much at the heart of the British fin de siècle, she later took an interest in occultism and published a number of books and papers on that subject.

In principle, you could hardly imagine a more 1890s book than the present volume: it was published by Elkin Mathews and John Lane of the Bodley Head in their famous Keynotes series, with a cover design by Aubrey Beardsley, and when I had a look at the first couple of pages of the novel on archive.org I saw that it opens with the sort of epigram-laden conversation that would not look out of place in a work by Oscar Wilde. Unsurprisingly, I decided to read it without delay :)

On the one hand, it was a pleasant read, and short enough to be read at one sitting (about 150 pages, and not too much text per page); on the other hand, it wasn't really quite the sort of decadent novel that I had imagined. There was entirely too much of people talking about their feelings, especially love, in much too conventional a manner. Nothing particularly decadent is actually done at any point. There weren't any fauns in the novel either. In short, I was something of a victim of my own misplaced expectations, expectations which I shouldn't have formed as I had had no real basis for forming them. Ultimately, I enjoyed the book, and probably anyone else who is keen on the 1890s will enjoy it as least as much as I did.

<spoiler warning>

Lord Kirkdale, a young aristocrat, has recently become friends with George Travers, a charming, witty and cynical man of no very clear provenance. Kirkdale's mother, the widowed Lady Kirkdale, has some doubts about Travers, so she invites him for a visit to to meet the rest of the family (and so they can size him up). At the start of the book we find Travers in conversation with Kirkdale's youngest sister Geraldine, effortlessly spewing Wildesque epigrams of the sort that certainly look very clever, but on closer look make you wonder if they really mean anything much at all. Travers invites Kirkdale, Geraldine and their mother to visit him at the house he is renting in the country.

As we learn soon afterwards, George Travers isn't quite what he appears. The son of a noted actor who died early, he was raised in comfortable circumstances by an adoptive father, who then also died and left Travers with nothing. Trying to remain in high society without having the money for it, Travers resorted to cheating at cards, but was discovered and had to flee to America. Now, years later, he has returned, hoping his old scandal has been forgotten; and he is scheming to become rich again and get back into society. He lives in a tiny garret with his young wife Grace, a former actress; the country house has been let to him temporarily by a friend he made while in America.

To the Kirkdales, Travers pretends that he is not married, and gets his wife to pretend that she is just a relative of the owner of the house. Soon, Geraldine falls in love with Travers, and Kirkdale with Grace. Grace is of two minds; the honest and straightforward Kirkdale appears to her as a prospect of comfortable domesticity, and forms a big contrast with her mysterious, scheming husband. For now her feelings of romance for Travers still prevail,but she dislikes the fact that he is preventing her from returning to acting.

Soon Kirkdale finds out about Travers's past, and confers with an older and more experienced family friend, Mr. Clausen. They agree that Grace could become a great actress, and want to get her away from Travers's influence so she can return to the stage.

Travers gets caught cheating at cards again; but to Grace he makes the excuse that he was framed. Seeing that he does not trust her with the truth, Grace no longer loves him, and insists on returning to the stage. Her old theatre in London would be happy to have her back, but Travers proposes to promote her as an actress in America instead, presumably because he sees her potential and figures he could make some money off her that way.

Meanwhile Geraldine is madly in love with Travers, and even the reports of his card-sharping and his being married do not change her mind. She exchanges several letters with him, and offers to help him in his “money difficulties”. Eventually they meet and consider their options; they could elope abroad, and live very miserably on Geraldine's £800 a year. [Very miserably by the standards of the super rich, of course; otherwise it would actually be quite comfortable.] Travers asserts that he could make more than that by touring America with Grace; he no longer loves her, but genuinely wants to mentor her as an actress. He did, however, vaguely hope to get some money out of Geraldine anyway, as the initial capital for his American venture.

Without much further ado, Geraldine pulls out a gun and shoots Travers dead! She makes some half-hearted efforts to make it look like Travers broke into the Kirkdales' house, stole a gun and later committed suicide with it. Fortunately for her, Clausen, who after some preliminary investigation quickly realizes that Geraldine murdered Travers, helps her cover up her tracks a little better, and Travers's death is pronounced to have been suicide. The novel ends with a conversation between Geraldine and Grace, both of whom are relieved that Travers is dead and that they are free of his contaminating influence.

</spoiler warning>

I have to say, to the author's credit, that Geraldine's killing of Travers came as a total surprise to me — I wasn't expecting it in the least. (The book had been all talk until then, so how could you not be surprised to finally see some action?) I can't say that I approve of that murder; Travers doesn't seem to have done, or planned to do, anything nearly heinous enough to deserve to get murdered over it. Geraldine herself admits that she did it “just to gratify my mad injured pride” (p. 143), and I can sympathize with that — murder out of passion, fair enough — but I can't sympathize when she then tries to justify the murder lamely: “he would have sneaked and lied and shivered through life [. . .] it is a good deed done, and I am glad I did it.” (P. 143.) Gosh, talk about high standards. If everyone who indulges in a bit of light conmanship was going to be shot like a dog, the world would be a *very* different place. I wouldn't want to see Geraldine hanged or even imprisoned over the murder, but I'm not glad that she got off completely scot-free and isn't even sorry for killing him. I guess if there's any real element of decadence in this novel, it's this — that Geraldine and Grace should be so happy and relieved after Travers was murdered over such a small matter.

The author should have done more to present Travers as really villainous if she wants us to sympathize with Geraldine's point of view — but perhaps she doesn't want that.* After all, we see that Mr. Clausen, the most sober-minded and well-balanced character in the story, does not understand Geraldine's perspective, even though he helped hide the evidence of her guilt (p. 143); and Geraldine herself seems to feel that she is in some significant sense worse than most people: “I am my father's daughter. People like him and me belong to a race apart; we are only mortal clay, while you and mamma, and Maisy and all the rest of you have immortal souls.” (P. 144. We don't actually know anything much about her father, except for a passing mention from page 4: Geraldine's mother “had the experience of life only given to those ladies whose husbands are thoroughly and brutally immoral”.)

[*There is in fact also a scene which seems to have no other purpose but to make us view Travers as less villainous, namely when he plays with Pierre, the little son of his housekeeper (pp. 41–4).]

Incidentally, another way in which Geraldine is unconventional is her support for the ‘New Woman’ ideas: “it is only within the last few years that women have dared show their womanhood. At last they are permitted to possess a small quota of human nature; they may be something more than waxen masks of doll-like acquiescence” (pp. 59–60).

I wish we were told a little more clearly what exactly Travers's nefarious plan was in the first place. I guess he hoped to seduce Geraldine, or he hoped that Kirkdale would fall in love with Grace — or both — but what next? The fact that Travers and Grace are married would surely stand in the way. Is he just hoping to get more blackmail material, seeing as that seems to be his mode of operation, though he doesn't like to call it by such a blunt term (pp. 26–7, 82–3)? Did he deliberately marry Grace in the hope of using her as bait in some scheme like that? (Because otherwise, it isn't obvious why marrying a talented but so far penniless actress would do his plans any good; then we would have to conclude that he must have married her for love.)

Admittedly there is also one detail which speaks against Travers. On p. 25, when Grace asks him to let her start acting again to earn some money, he says: “what would five pounds a week be to a man like me?” But on p. 128, talking to Geraldine, he says that Grace and he would easily make “one hundred pounds a week between us”. He is either lying or he's wildly optimistic about Grace's earning potential.

Ultimately, the main reason for my sympathies for Travers is this: he is trying to get rich by unfair means; but other characters in this novel are already rich, and there is no way to be rich except by unfair means. So they have no basis to complain against him, as far as I'm concerned; they are no better than him, only luckier because their money is already made. For instance, where is Geraldine's £800 a year coming from? Either farmers paying rents for land that Geraldine owns, or companies paying dividends on stocks that she owns, or interest on bonds that she owns. That's money that, of right, ought to belong to those farmers and to the workers of those companies — there's no sane reason under the sun why any of that money should end up in Geraldine's pockets, except that the sheer lunacy of our legal and economical system happens to be on her side. We hear that Travers “had discovered the art of living upon other people” (p. 40); yet what is Geraldine's £800 a year, if not her living upon other people? Without lifting a finger, she robs people of £800 every year, yet she is regarded as a decent and normal person; but when someone like Travers tries to get some money out of people, everyone calls him a villain. And yet they are both doing the same thing, it's just that those holding power in our society have arbitrarily decided that some forms of theft are acceptable (and they get to be called by other terms, like ‘rents’ and ‘profits’ and the like) while others aren't (and they get to be called ‘card-sharping’ and ‘blackmail’ and the like). In fact Travers's way is less objectionable, because he was trying to extract money from the rich, while Geraldine's way extracts it from the poor.

By the way, I wonder what to make of the title of the book, The Dancing Faun. Apparently there is a famous statue of that name at Pompeii. There are only two mentions of the Dancing Faun in the book; one is on p. 58, in a passage that explains why Grace prefers Travers over Kirkdale: Kirkdale “was an extremely well made young man [. . .] but to a woman who had taken it into her head to adore the type of man represented by the Dancing Faun, no Hercules, however laboriously devoted, need apply.” And on p. 100 Geraldine herself uses the term when explaining why she prefers Travers over other men: “If I think of other people, it is only to think of the difference between him and them. He is so graceful, they are so proper. He always has something charming to say, they always say the things one has heard over and over again. He is like the Dancing Faun, they are like a tailor's block.” So the Dancing Faun is a metaphor for the type of person that Travers is; charming though not classically beautiful; characterized by a certain nimbleness, both mental and physical; and perhaps a little wild and unpredictable.

*

A few passages that I particularly liked:

Lady Kirkdale on Geraldine's singing lessons: “I insisted on her singing at Sautussi's reception, just the same as the other pupils. I think it is the greatest mistake to make distinctions of rank in matters of art. In art all are equal.” :)) (P. 3.)

On Travers's parasitical ways: “He had discovered the art of living upon other people with as much grace as if he belonged to the highest circles; none of the bourgeois arrogance of the parvenu or the middleman was perceptible; he took other people's money, their property, and their affections, with equal grace and admirable cordiality.” (P. 40.)

I liked the contrast between conversation and chatter here: “Here the rest of the party came up, conversation ceased, and chatter reigned in its stead.” (P. 122.)

On Geraldine: “Mediocrity was her bugbear, just as it has been the bugbear of thousands of other mediocre people, and she was ready to take the most desperate measures to escape from it.” (P. 123.) Hey, I resemble that remark! :P

Speaking of mediocrity, here is Grace about her late husband: “Almost the last time I talked to him, I remember feeling as if it would be a glorious thing to be a great criminal, and that if you could not rule by fair means, you should rule by foul. George [i.e. Travers] had such a horror of mediocrity.” (P. 148.)

The obligatory fin-de-siècle trope of artists being apart from the world: “In real life you get an emotion which masters you; in art, in acting, in all works of genius, I suppose, you master an emotion. That is why artists are set apart from the rest of the world; they cannot enjoy the common emotion long, they demand too much from it.” (Grace on p. 146. The author, Florence Farr, was herself a prominent actress, so I guess she speaks from experience here.)

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BOOK: Nina Antonia, "The Greenwood Faun"

Nina Antonia: The Greenwood Faun. Foreword by Mark Valentine. Egaeus Press, 2017. 9780993527876. 182 pp.

It is easy and pleasant to be fascinated by the eighteen nineties, and I for one never saw any reason to try resisting their charm. The idea of marking the development of popular culture by the decade, of assigning a distinct character and perhaps even a nickname to each decade, pretty much got started then. For someone like me, the 1890s are just modern enough to be daring and exciting as opposed to boring and stuffy, but also early enough to be at least somewhat intelligible; after them comes the dreaded modernism, from which point all literature and art becomes completely incomprehensible to me. Not only the arts, but all of society was changing; people were beginning to throw off the strictures and conventions of the long, stodgy nineteenth century; with one century coming to a close, it is easy to imagine a sense of excitement about what the next one may bring, especially as people did not yet know about the world wars and other horrors that lay in store in the future; and it is pleasant to indulge in a mindset of decadence, as so many artists of the 1890s did, when it is done against a backdrop of unpredecented growth and strength which had characterized western civilization for much of the 19th century — much more pleasant at any rate than now, when its decline is all too real and apparent. Another turn of the century has come and gone, but that original fin de siècle remains as fascinating as ever; it was a period of little more than a decade, but you could spend a lifetime reading about it and never exhaust it.

Now, you may of course say that this is all nonsense; that history is a continuous process and does not happen by the decade; that this is all cherry-picking and the benefit of hindsight; that we are projecting certain preoccupations and inclinations of our own onto the past. No doubt you would be right. I am reminded of Bertrand Russell's remarks in an article titled “Pros and Cons of Reaching Ninety” (1962; included in vol. 3 of his Autobiography): “It is a curious sensation to read the journalistic clichés which come to be fastened on past periods that one remembers, such as the ‘naughty nineties’ and the ‘riotous twenties.’ Those decades did not seem, at the time, at all ‘naughty’ or ‘riotous.’ ” No doubt he too is right. And yet, and yet — surely there should be enough time and space for both: the 1890s as they really were, which we may leave to Russell and to sober historians to write about, and we can read their books when we wish to inform ourselves about the reality of the thing; and the 1890s as we wish them to have been, a growth of fantasy arising from the soil of history, an imaginary picture which we may form in our minds when we wish to be charmed and delighted and entertained. After all, for us non-historians, most of our notions of the past are at least half fantastical anyway; so why should the 1890s be an exception to that?

The present volume, Nina Antonia's The Greenwood Faun, falls squarely into the second camp. This novel is a short but delightful exercise in evoking the fantastical fin de siècle, written by someone who is clearly fond of that period and must have read a great deal about it.

One of the book's starting points is Arthur Machen's story The Hill of Dreams (written in 1897 but first published in 1907), whose protagonist is a young writer named Lucian Taylor who, while struggling endlessly with the manuscript of a book that he can't bring himself to finish, sinks deeper and deeper into a dark fantasy world in which mysterious and dangerous supernatural forces — fauns, witches, fairies and the like — are present even in a large metropolis like London. He eventually dies of a drug overdose and his manuscript, which he leaves to his landlady, turns out to be illegible and worthless.

This is where The Greenwood Faun begins. Apart from being the title of Antonia's novel here in the real world, it is also the title of Lucian Taylor's manuscript in the fictional world of the novel. An antiques dealer to whom it is sold has it printed in a handful of copies and presents them to his friend, a bookseller named Theodore; the book proves to have a major (and supernatural) effect on everyone who tries to read it.

<spoiler warning>

Theodore is broadly sympathetic to fin-de-siècle trends in literature, and distantly acquainted with a number of the key players (indeed I have a minor complaint here: the book is a little too zealous in dropping names in chapter 1; fortunately this problem goes away after that). Theodore and his wife, Dulcima, have three children: Roger, a prosaic lawyer with no interest in literature; Conrad, or Connie, a young dreamer who is perhaps a little too sensitive for this sordid world; and Violet, who is perhaps the best balanced of the lot. She is engaged to a friend of Roger's, a well-off critic named Giles, who is by far the biggest villain of the book. Creatively barren himself, he enjoys tearing down the work of other authors; and when he comes across The Greenwood Faun, he hatches a plan to reprint it under his own name and promote it in America where nobody will know any better.

This is another nod to Machen's Hill of Dreams, where a milder form of literary theft also appears as a subplot: Lucian submits a manuscript to a publisher, gets it rejected, but later finds a book by another author where about half the text was taken from Lucian's rejected manuscript. In fact Machen wrote that something like that had even happened to him in real life, although the book which plagiarized his own work was only advertised as being planned, but was never actually published.

The supernatural element asserts itself early in the novel and remains present throughout. Lucian Taylor's former landlady, Amber, who is in fact pregnant with Lucian's child, finds her house mysteriously invaded by vegetation and the forces of nature, so that she abandons it and becomes a housekeeper — where else than in Theodore's family. It's a bit much to be a coincidence; but if it isn't a coincidence, we don't really get any clear explanation as to how it happened. But then that may be a nod to Machen as well; implausible coincidences abound in his stories.

One day Connie gets mysteriously lost during a long walk through London — another thing that happens in Machen all the time, where a character turns into a side road and suddenly finds himself in completely unfamiliar territory. He makes friends with a mysterious stranger who says his name is Lionel Johnson, “just like the poet” (p. 47); after a few hints, it soon becomes clear that he is in fact the ghost of that deceased poet. He is invisible to most people, but Connie is one of the exceptions to that.

Here we have another fine example of the author taking something from the real fin de siècle and incorporating a fantastical version of it into her novel. She must have been interested in Johnson for a long time, as hardly a year after The Greenwood Faun she published a selection of Johnson's verse and prose with an extensive biographical introduction (Incurable, Strange Attractor Press, 2018; see my post about it from a few weeks ago). There we read (pp. 46–48) that around 1901, late in his life, Johnson claimed that his apartment in Lincoln's Inn, London, was haunted, and he even moved out because of that; all of which would be easy enough to dismiss as the delusions of a man by then in the final stages of alcoholism, if not for the fact that two journalists who subsequently spent a night in the place claimed to have seen doors opening and shutting by themselves, and the ghost even left bird-like footprints on the ground. (Antonia wrote more about this ghost in an article titled “A Winged Malevolence, Fortean Times, No. 353 (May 2017), pp. 30–33.)

But to return to the plot. Giles has a hunting lodge in the country, in an area called the New Forest, where adherents of the ‘old religion’ apparently abound, witch-cultists like something straight out of Margaret Murray; Amber is the head of a local witch-coven and hopes to get Violet involved as well; the nearby village of Tiptoe stands “on a precipice of Paganism” (p. 149) and its church and graveyard are beleaguered by unnaturally lush vegetation; and there are actual fauns and satyrs in the area too, in fact a satyr named Janicot lives “in the eaves” of Giles's lodge (p. 54). (Janicot is apparently a name used by some British neopagans to refer to their ‘Horned God’.) I liked that. If you're going in for the supernatural, you might as well go the whole hog. If we have ghosts in the novel, by all means let's have witches and fauns as well. Given the strong influence of Machen here, I was half surprised that we at least avoid having fairies.

Giles and Violet get married and live mostly at his lodge; meanwhile Theodore and Dulcima go on a vacation to Italy and leave the bookshop in the hands of his brother Algernon, who is something of an old roué. The story may have been light-hearted so far, but now everything is set for things to become uglier. Violet finds out about Giles plagiarizing The Greenwood Faun and confronts him about it; Giles turns violent, Connie (who happens to be present) tries to protect Violet, and Giles knocks him unconscious. When he wakes up, he has lost his memory, and Giles has him committed to a lunatic asylum based on false claims that the lad has lost his mind due to absinthe and decadent literature. In the absence of Connie's parents, Roger is the closest male relative and is happy to collude with Giles on this, since he dislikes Connie and his dreaming ways anyhow. Giles's plan is to blackmail Violet: he promises to have Connie released in a few months' time if she does not tell anyone about his plagiarism. Meanwhile poor Connie is ‘treated’ with electroshocks and hot and cold baths.

At Connie's request, Violet brings a copy of The Greenwood Faun to the asylum for him; but Dr. Blumenghast, who runs the place, disapproves of literature and has his staff intercept any books that are brought for the patients. So the book ends up in the doctor's hands, gives him weird dreams, eventually he decides to read it — and goes mad himself. Soon he is seen running naked through a nearby village, and is caught and becomes an inmate at his former asylum. At the same time Connie also escapes from the asylum, and we are never told exactly how that happened; presumably the influence of the book had something to do with it, and he may have had help from Lionel the ghost. Connie and Lionel manage to evade capture and are installed in Amber's abandoned house in London.

Giles finally gets his comeuppance in an unexpectedly gruesome way. Trying to find the source of annoying piping sounds that had frequently been heard around his lodge, he ends up deep in the forest and encounters a faun who is apparently none other than Pan himself. The faun holds Giles mesmerized while two stags gore him to death. Earlier we saw Amber and Violet making a voodoo doll of Giles with the intent of harming him, but it isn't obvious if or how this contributed to his death.

Meanwhile Connie is lying low in London, knowing that Roger's signature committing him to the asylum is still in force. He takes up painting as a hobby, and he and Lionel become lovers. Incidentally, there's also a funny scene where Lionel uses the fact that most people can't see him to commit some light shoplifting to provide Connie with groceries :) (p. 130).

Blumenghast may be mad, but there is method in his madness; following a carefully prepared plan, he manages to flee from the asylum and eventually finds out where Connie lives. Blumenghast may have been affected by The Greenwood Faun, but he is still ambitious and hungry for fame; he is convinced that if he can get Connie to surrender to the authorities, this will restore his professional standing and enable him to begin spreading “the way of the Faun as a healthy new lifestyle” (p. 169). [Which I guess is a nod to actual trends in medicine at that time — anyone with a white lab coat and a ‘Dr.’ before his name could devise random treatments and odd lifestyle changes, based on little more than pulling things out of his ass, and likely enough would actually gain at least some adherents.]

One night while Lionel is away, Blumenghast enters Connie's house; desperate and backed into a corner, or rather on the roof of the building, Connie jumps to his death. Presumably he can at least spend the eternity with Lionel now. Thus the book ends on a melancholy note. Violet settles at Giles's former lodge with Clovis, Amber's brother (and also a member of the witch-cult); she is also pregnant with his child. Having no one to leave his bookshop to, Theodore shuts it down and it passes into fin-de-siècle legend, while he moves to the countryside with his wife and brother so as to be closer to Violet. Amber's coven keeps going until the mid-20th century, but “the New Forest of today would be unrecognisable” to them (p. 180).

</spoiler warning>

*

There seems to be a lively scene in Britain of people working on the fin de siècle, studying it, writing fiction and nonfiction about it, publishing reprints and translations of literature from that period, and so on. The Greenwood Faun comes with praise and blurbs from many prominent figures from those circles: in the book itself there's an introduction by Mark Valentine, a paragraph-long blurb by David Tibet on the back cover, and on the publisher's website there are further blurbs from Phil Baker and Brian Stableford. I myself first heard of the book (and its author) because it was mentioned on David Tibet's website (and the reason why I was in the habit of checking that website was because I read about David Tibet's work on Count Stenbock many years ago in vol. 1 of the Strange Attractor journal; and I first heard of that journal by chance when I noticed a review of it in te Guardian — interesting how one thing leads to another across a long series of links).

On the whole I liked this novel a great deal, and would recommend it without hesitation to everyone who loves the 1890s. I enjoyed the romanticized, slightly supernaturalized version of the fin de siècle that it evokes (even though, technically speaking, it takes place a little after the end of the century itself; on p. 175 we read that it is “half a decade” after Lionel Johnson's death, and he died in 1902). I liked the fact that Antonia doesn't turn her supernatural world into horror the way Machen is prone to do (though admittedly he doesn't do it as much in The Hill of Dreams as in his earlier stories).

I also liked the numerous little details which connect the fictional world of the novel with the real, historical fin de siècle; you might say that the novel takes place just a little beyond the border between reality and fantasy. I already mentioned that chapter 1 drops the names of so many real fin-de-siècle authors that it almost bothered me; but later in the book such things appear more moderately. For example, Lewis Yealland, the sadistic psychiatrist who treated shellshocked soldiers with electroshocks and is mentioned here on p. 176, was a real person, though I had a hard time finding him at first because the book misspells his last name as “Yelland” (which led to some confusion with another WW1-era person, Lewis Yelland Andrews). Austin Osman Spare, the “occult artist” influenced by Connie's work (p. 177), is real too.

Domenico Castanese, the young Italian victim of the shipwreck of the Iota (p. 155) is real too; here in the novel he is buried in the village of Tiptoe, not far from Giles Gorse's hunting lodge, while in reality he is buried at Tintagel on the north shore of Cornwall. This may perhaps give us some idea of where Gorse's lodge is supposed to be located, though to be honest, from the frequency with which characters in the novel move between London and the lodge I had the impression that it was closer to London than that. Moreover, the area around Gorse's lodge is referred to as “the New Forest” several times, and there is a New Forest in reality as well, but on the southern coast of England rather than in Cornwall. This location is also consistent with the fact that “the oak tree where Rufus the Red was slain” (p. 109) is located there; “Rufus” is Latin for “the Red” and is the nickname of William II, who really was killed in the New Forest. So I guess the simplest explanation is that Antonia exercised some poetic license and moved the Iota shipwreck to the southern coast of England.

Also real is The Dancing Faun by Florence Farr (mentioned here on p. 163), very much a fin-de-siècle novel: published in 1894 by Elkin Matthews and John Lane as the second volume of the famous Keynotes series, with a cover design by Aubrey Beardsley. (Incidentally, two of Machen's early stories were also published in the same series.) Its author, Florence Farr, was an actress who took an interest in occultism and later wrote several books on the subject.

Another real book mentioned here (on p. 151) is The Sins of the Cities of the Plain, a pornographic work purporting to be the memoirs of a rent-boy. I was interested to learn, from its wikipedia page, that it was reprinted about 10 years ago by an American publisher called Valancourt Books, along with its sequel Letters from Laura and Eveline. They also published reprints of numerous other more or less fantastical late-19th-century works — worth keeping an eye out on.

Dr. Blumenghast's asylum is called Valmouth, which might be a reference to a novel of the same name, Valmouth (1919) by Ronald Firbank, where it is the name of a spa. Firbank himself is a little too young to be part of the fin de siècle, but you might say that he carried its torch into the 1910s and ’20s. (We have encountered him on the pages of this blog recently due to his influence on Waugh.)

On p. 49, Theodore mentions a line which he says is “almost” Wilde's: “Then she wears silver sandals and creeps away with the dawn.” It turns out to be based on the last few lines of Wilde's poem The Harlot's House.

There are of course also several references to Lionel Johnson's poems, unsurprisingly since his ghost is a character in the novel:

  • “Were we in dreamland, deathland then?” (p. 170) is from Bells (1887; Poetical Works (1917), p. 134);
  • Vinum Daemonum on p. 174 (though sadly misspelt: Deamonum) is a poem from 1893 (Poetical Works (1917), p. 229);
  • “Make my soul thine” etc. (p. 175) is the last line of Julian at Eleusis (1886–7; Poetical Works (1917), p. 153);
  • “Oh welcome death!” etc. (p. 143) is from Brontë (1890; Poetical Works (1917), p. 105).

Another intriguing passage refers to Johnson's “most famous quote: ‘Life is ritual.’ ” (p. 169). I can't find this anywhere in his works; its source seems to be Yeats's book The Trembling of the Veil (1922), which contains his reminiscences of the 1890s (the Johnson quote appears on p. 179). I haven't heard of The Trembling of the Veil before, but it looks interesting.

*

When a book contains supernatural or fantastical elements, there is usually a certain amount of arbitrariness about how these elements work. This always bothers me a little, and The Greenwood Faun is no exception to that. I suppose I shouldn't complain too much about it, since an author is obviously free to decide how magic works in his or her story, and isn't required to present it as a self-consistent and well-explained system. Moreover, Machen is guilty of the same thing to a much greater degree, so we can't blame Antonia for doing the same thing in a novel that partly follows in his footsteps.

Still, I couldn't help wishing that some things were explained a little more clearly in this novel, for the benefit of readers like me, slow people with our feet planted a little too firmly in the ground. For example, ghosts. Who does and who doesn't linger around as a ghost after death? Lionel has apparently been assigned as a sort of guardian angel to Connie, and will have to complete several “missions” of this type before he can finally enter heaven (p. 175). Why exactly he? How common is this, since he doesn't seem to encounter any other similar ghosts at any point, not even when he looks for them during his visit to the cemetery on p. 170? We hear that there are “a few rules to the afterlife” (p. 67), such as not meddling “with the destiny of the living” (ibid.) and being required to visit one's grave once a year (p. 166; though Lionel's visit is most perfunctory and nothing really happens during it). But whence do these rules arise and why are they the way they are? Moreover, some people can see Lionel but most can't, and he can't control who he is visible to (p. 166); so what exactly does decide whether someone will be able to see a particular ghost or not?

Another example: there is apparently an actual satyr named Janicot living “in the eaves” of Giles's hunting lodge of the same name (p. 54); we see him laughing in the rafters (p. 118) at Giles's failure to get the cover of his pirated book to look right. But apart from this, what exactly does Janicot do? What powers does he have? The witches or pagans believed that he “protected their kind” (p. 53). Since Janicot is already around, why exactly did Amber and Lucian feel the need to invoke Pan into the world as well? One would think that the niche was already reasonably well covered.

Speaking of this whole business of bringing Pan into the world, this is never stated quite as openly as I would wish; rather it's up to you to piece it together from a number of brief scattered allusions, which I only did on a careful second reading of the book. I suppose you can say that this is a common enough literary device, but I'm not sure how keen I really am on it. Amber slept with Lucian at some point before his death (p. 18), and ended up pregnant, but the child is described as a “changeling” on p. 26. [Perhaps it runs in the family? Lucian had wondered at one point whether he himself was a changeling; The Hill of Dreams, p. 231.] It is, in fact, not a human child at all, but an incarnation of the god Pan; “the nature deity reborn” (p. 50), “an ancient god” (p. 168), “the oldest of all the chimerical gods” (p. 137). When she takes a job as housekeeper to Theodore's family, Amber describes herself as a “widow, whose young son is in the care of relatives in the New Forest” (p. 56). But actually Pan, being a god, “had been weaned in a day, attained boyhood in a month” (p. 50). On p. 55 Giles cruelly beats a trespassing urchin, but on p. 137 we learn that this was none other than Pan, who now has no difficulty in mesmerizing Giles and summoning angry stags to eviscerate him. Why then had he allowed Giles to beat him on that earlier occasion?

Another annoyingly vague appearance of Pan is on p. 106; the pagans are celebrating a ritual in the forest, Amber says that “Violet would meet him [i.e. Pan] tonight”, and subsequently he apparently just sort of materializes: “Through the intoxicating mist, Amber's cloven progeny took substance [. . .] Pan Sublime”. But then Violet sleeps with Clovis, Amber's half-brother, and it isn't obvious what exactly the role of Pan is in the proceedings. Would Pan somehow inhabit Clovis's body and make sure that the child that Violet ends up pregnant with (p. 150) is a changeling? (Is that what had happened when Lucian slept with Amber?) This possibility would appear to be supported by the fact that Clovis's role in that ritual was as “the emissary of the Horned One” (p. 105), i.e. of one of the two principal deities of the neopagans. Is the Horned One the same thing as Pan, or if not, what is the relationship between them? So many possibilities, so few certainties.

And speaking of Clovis, he is something of a mystery too. He is Amber's half-brother (p. 150); their mother, Esme, seems to have been a witch like Amber after her (pp. 27, 69). Clovis's “father had been no more than an illusion” (p. 164); that's the only piece of explicit information we have. Obviously you can't help wondering if Clovis's father was some sort of horned (and horny) deity himself. When Edith, the old housekeeper of the late Giles Gorze, refers to Clovis as a “cloven-hooved fancy man” (p. 150), is that just a malicious remark of an anti-pagan religious zealot, or did she chance upon a truth? After all, his very name Clovis looks like a hint at cloven. (Otherwise, Clovis seems like an odd choice of name for a pagan. The main thing that the historical Clovis is remembered for is converting from paganism to christianity...)

*

But to go back to Pan, I wish we were told a little more clearly what he does and why Lucian and Amber have invoked him in the first place. It seems like a very risky move since we read, on p. 168, that “[b]y calling upon Pan, rather than waiting for his return, an unpredictable vortex had been created” and that “no human has the power to control such a profound force”. But admittedly, most of the time Pan doesn't seem that active in this book; the occasion when he gets Giles gored by stags (p. 137) is more the exception than the rule. Most of the time his methods are subtler than that. He is responsible for the piping sounds heard around Giles's hunting lodge (pp. 55, 135, 137, 149). [It is probably no coincidence that the piper as a metaphor occurs at several other points in the book: the mad Dr. Blumenghast running through the village “in a grotesque parody of the Pied Piper” (p. 111); “the piper would have to be paid, eventually” (p. 152).] “Pan had returned to the forest and, misplaced in modernity, was playing for the last of his kingdom” (p. 75). [Is that why Amber summoned him? To protect what was left of the pagan world from modernity which was now threatening it too seriously?]

Dr. Blumenghast hears Pan's piping even in the middle of London. It is a call: “the faun played for anyone able to discern his tune. How they danced was a matter of free choice; some discovered magic like Conrad and Violet, but others, such as Giles Gorse or George Blumenghast, found only mania.” (P. 166.) This is probably the best statement of Pan's mode of operation in this book.

Another thing that works in the same way is Lucian Taylor's book, The Greenwood Faun — perhaps unsurprisingly, since that book had a big role in summoning Pan in the first place. I suppose you could say he now works through that book just like he does through his piping. Just compare the following passage with those cited earlier: “The Greenwood Faun was more than just a book; it was an invocation. ‘Strange things happen when you read it, [. . .] It affects each person differently.’ ” (P. 77.) Indeed as we saw it was really the book (rather than the piping) that drove Giles to adopt his nefarious plan of plagiarism and piracy, and that drove Blumenghast to madness when he “answered Pan's calling” (p. 153). “A book comes alive when it is read, until then it remains dormant yet restless” (p. 35). “That was the trouble with books; you never knew where they might lead” (p. 87).

Pan “was the freedom humanity denied itself, from before pyramids, synagogues, temples, churches, mosques, cities, banks, rules, guilt or sin.” (P. 75.) This sounds intriguing and almost charming, until you remember that even the most primitive prehistoric hunter-gatherer tribe has plenty of rules as to how its members should conduct themselves; humanity has *always* been denying itself freedom, because otherwise we wouldn't be able to form communities and survive :( Don't get me wrong, I like freedom as much as anyone, I just don't think humankind has ever been anything close to free. Moreover, I guess that the line about Pan being the freedom humanity denied itself was meant to be inspiring, to make us regard Pan favourably; but do you know who else stood for freedom? Cthulhu, of course: “mankind would have become as the Great Old Ones; free and wild and beyond good and evil, with laws and morals thrown aside and all men shouting and killing and reveling in joy. Then the liberated Old Ones would teach them new ways to shout and kill and revel and enjoy themselves, and all the earth would flame with a holocaust of ecstasy and freedom.” (H. P. Lovecraft, The Call of Cthulhu; Weird Tales, Feb 1928, p. 170). As I said, don't get me wrong, I like freedom; it just isn't such a very cuddly concept as it appears at first thought.

But I guess it is simply a matter of what you take freedom to mean. When the still-mad Dr. Blumenghast backs Conrad into a corner, intending to get him back into the asylum, Conrad shouts: “Did you learn nothing from The Greenwood Faun? Freedom is everything.” (P. 174.) But he doesn't follow that up by, say, killing Blumenghast; he simply commits suicide (while thinking of his beloved Lionel so that they will still be connected in the afterlife — the metaphor of the silver cord; pp. 171, 173).

Another intriguing thing about Pan is the idea of him *returning* to the world. We saw that Amber and Lucian invoked him “rather than waiting for his return” (p. 168), and he thereby “had returned to the forest” (p. 75) presumably earlier than he would have done otherwise. When then has he left and why? I guess this is an allusion to the idea, already present in ancient times, that he died around the time when christianity emerged. But when did he intend to return, had he not been invoked earlier by Amber and Lucian? Perhaps we get a hint at that at the end of the book, after a grim picture of the further encroachment of modernity upon the New Forest: “When man has finally fulfilled his death wish by wiping out anything that breathes, including himself, Pan will return to a world made innocent again.” (P. 180.) This emphasizes Pan as the deity of nature; he is keeping away because man has detached himself from nature, and will be back once this state no longer applies.

*

Another thing I greatly liked about this book is its physical appearance. Very appropriately given the title and contents of the book, green tones predominate on the covers and endpapers. The front cover is beautifully illustrated, with a nude woman reclining in the arms of a faun — we may imagine it is Viola and Clovis —; with butterflies (a recurring image in the book) and inkwells — these latter are also very appropriate since so much in this novel revolves around writing as a creative act. We see how difficult it is; Lucian put all his life into it, and died as a result (“To leave anything of worth to posterity, the artist has to shine a light in death's unblinking eye”, p. 34), while the weaker Giles is completely incapable of creating anything original; and once Lucian's book was written, what a power it had! It helped call Pan back into this world, and once here it helped him send out his appeal to people.

The illustrated cover is a nice touch for another reason too, namely because it brings the book a step closer to fin-de-siècle standards, when such covers were routine. There is no dust jacket, which is probably a good thing since it would prevent you from seeing the cover; though on the other hand you also can't help wishing that there were something to protect the cover.

The book also contains a few illustrations, not made specially for it but selected “from vague or uncredited publications of the late 19th and early 20th century” (p. 4). On the one hand, they are very appropriately chosen to go well with the text and I liked them, but on the other hand, that line about “vague and uncredited publications” makes me furious. They wouldn't be vague if you hadn't deliberately chosen to be vague about them, you numpties! They wouldn't be uncredited if you had taken the trouble to credit them! They didn't, after all, slip into the book behind your backs while you weren't looking. You got them from somewhere, and you knew what you were doing. This kind of coyness is really enraging.

One way in which the present volume falls short of 1890s standards, however, is the quality of its proofreading. The 1890s played at being decadent, but now the decay of the publishing industry is all too real. The text has much too many errors and misprints for such a short book, which makes for a sad contrast with the loveliness of its design and the beauty of its writing. Here are a few I've noticed:

  • “The room span” (p. 37) should probably be “spun”.
  • On p. 56, Amber presents herself as a widow and yet is referred to as “Miss Seabrook”. Surely a widow would have been addressed as Mrs.; to become a widow you must first be married, therefore a Mrs., and you remain a Mrs. even after your husband dies.
  • “his parent's friends” (p. 58) should probably be “parents'”.
  • “he and the faun where its kin” (p. 69) should be “were”.
  • “too long a day that was all” (p. 97) is missing a comma or some other punctuation mark after “day”.
  • “Not in front Giles” (p. 132) is probably missing an “of”.
  • “as real every day” (p. 143) is probably missing another “as”.
  • “seasonal poesies” (p. 155) should really be “posies”, though etymologically the two words are the same.
  • “flowers, laying prostrate” (p. 169) should be “lying”.
  • Vinum Deamonum” (p. 174) should be “Daemonum”.
  • “Lewis Yelland” (p. 176) should be “Yealland”, as we already mentioned above.

But “the garden provided a safe arbour” (p. 26) is probaly a clever pun and not a misprint for “harbour”.

I was intrigued by the use of “x” to represent a kiss, in a note from Lionel to Connie on p. 167. At first I thought that this must surely be anachronistic, but then it turned out that the OED has examples from 1763 and 1894.

ToRead:

  • Florence Farr: The Dancing Faun (1894). A novel, mentioned here on p. 163.
  • W. B. Yeats: The Trembling of the Veil (1922). His reminiscences of the 1890s. It contains Johnson's phrase that “life is ritual”, mentioned in The Greenwood Faun on p. 169.

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